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Multiracial Americans are at the cutting edge of social and demographic change in the U. Still, few see their multiracial background as a liability. While multiracial adults share some things in common, they cannot be easily categorized. Their experiences and attitudes differ ificantly depending on the races that make up their background and how the world sees them. A different pattern emerges among multiracial Asian adults; biracial white and Asian adults feel more closely connected White mixed women only whites than to Asians. Census Bureau finds that, inabout 9 million Americans chose two or more racial when asked about their race.

And during that decade, the nation elected as president Barack Obama—the son of a black father from Kenya and a white mother from Kansas. Learn about why and how the U. up now! Taking into how adults describe their own race as well as the racial backgrounds of their parents and grandparents—which the census count does not do— Pew Research estimates that 6.

This estimate comprises 1. The sample of multiracial adults White mixed women only identified after contacting and collecting basic demographic information on more than 21, adults nationwide. For comparative purposes, an additional 1, adults from the general public were surveyed, including an oversample of non-Hispanic adults who are black and have no other races in their background and who are Asian and no race.

About three-in-ten adults with a multiracial background say that they have changed the way they describe their race over the years—with some saying they once thought of themselves as only one race and now think of themselves as more than one race, and others saying just the opposite. In addition to painting a portrait of multiracial Americans, the survey findings challenge some traditional ideas about race.

Hispanic origin is asked about separately as an ethnicity and is not considered a race. But when Latinos are asked whether they consider being Hispanic to be part of their racial or ethnic background, the survey finds that about two-thirds of Hispanics say it is, at least in part, their race. For the majority of this report, Hispanic origin is treated as an ethnicity, rather than a race, and multiracial Hispanics are those who say they are Hispanic and two separate races for example, someone who is Hispanic and also chooses black and white as his or her races.

This is consistent with how the Census Bureau counts mixed-race Hispanics. However, because Hispanic identity is tied to both race and ethnicity for many Latinos, Chapter 7 of this report explores a broader definition of mixed race. The survey finds that many multiracial adults, like other racial minorities, have experienced some type of racial discrimination, from racist slurs to physical threats, because of their racial background.

A similar pattern is evident for other types of racial discrimination.

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For multiracial adults with a black background, experiences with discrimination closely mirror those of single-race blacks. Mixed-race adults with an Asian background are about as likely to report being discriminated against as are single-race Asians, while multiracial adults with a white background are more likely than single-race whites to say they have experienced racial discrimination.

Demographically, multiracial Americans are younger—and strikingly so—than the country as a whole. According to Pew Research Center analysis of the American Community Survey, the median age of all multiracial Americans is 19, compared with 38 for single-race Americans. The Pew Research survey finds that multiracial adults also are less likely than other adults to be college graduates and less likely to be currently married.

But when they do wed, mixed-race Americans are more likely than other adults to marry someone who also is multiracial. Mixed-race adults are also more likely than the general public to have close friends or neighbors who are multiracial. Even so, shared multiracial backgrounds do not necessarily translate into shared identity. It was less than 50 years ago that the U.

Supreme Court, in the case bearing the evocative title Loving v. Virginia, struck down laws prohibiting mixed-race marriages. And it has been only 15 years since the U. Census Bureau first allowed Americans to choose more than one race when filling out their census form. Since then the multiracial population has grown ificantly. White mixed women only addition to self-reported race, Pew Research took into the racial backgrounds of parents and grandparents.

This approach led to the estimate that multiracial adults currently make up 6. The relatively small share of all U. If current trends continue—and evidence suggests they may accelerate—the Census Bureau projects that the multiracial population will triple by Feeding this growth is the increase in mixed-race couples and, as a natural consequence, births of children who have a multiracial background.

For example, since the share of marriages between spouses of different races has increased almost fourfold from 1. The share of multiracial children is growing at an even faster rate. As the White mixed women only population in the U. Multiracial identity is complicated, as much an attitude that can change over a lifetime as it is a genetic or biological certainty. Individuals were allowed to select multiple reasons.

A quarter of biracial adults with a white and American Indian background say they consider themselves multiracial. For some mixed-race Americans, the pressure to identify as a single race is a ificant part of the multiracial experience. A similar share says they have attempted to look or behave a certain way in order to influence the way others perceive their race. The way racial identity is classified in the U. Sincerespondents have had the option to choose more than one race. People who mark two or more races in their answer to the race question are included in the multiple-race population by the Census Bureau.

Although respondents are also asked, in a separate question, about their Hispanic or Latino origin, only answers to the race question are used in classifying people into the multiple-race population. Our defined multiracial group includes people who indicate that they, their parents or their grandparents are of Hispanic or Latino origin, as long as they also select two or more census races.

In addition to looking at the broader group of multiracial adults, we analyze subsets of White mixed women only group. For example, we look at the following biracial groups: white and black, white and Asian, white and American Indian, and black and American Indian.

At times, we may also look at all multiracial adults with a black or Asian background, for example, regardless of what other races are included in their background, and compare them to single-race blacks or Asians, respectively. These biracial and multiracial subgroups, as well as the single-race groups, exclude Hispanics.

In our survey, for example, roughly two-thirds of Hispanics say being Hispanic is part of their racial background. With that in mind, a separate part of our analysis includes an expanded definition of multiracial that includes Hispanics who report one census race for themselves, their parents and their grandparents and also say they consider being Hispanic part of their racial background.

Chapter 7 of this report focuses on the experiences and attitudes of multiracial Hispanics, using both the census-based and the expanded definitions. While these views are broadly shared by each of the five biggest multiracial groups, the large proportion of white and Asian biracial adults who see their racial background as an advantage stands out.

In the other four groups, only about one-in-four or fewer say their racial heritage has been as helpful. This contrast further sharpens when white and Asian biracial Americans are compared with single-race whites and Asians. Mixed-race adults often straddle two or more worlds, and their experiences and relationships reflect that. For biracial adults who are white or black and American Indian, their connections with the white or black community are often stronger than the ones they feel toward Native Americans; about one-in-four or fewer in each group say they have a lot in common with American Indians.

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Other survey findings suggest these differences may slow the development of a multiracial group identity similar to the sense of linked fate and shared experience that unites many blacks and other minority groups. As a group, mixed-race adults are much more likely than all married adults to have a spouse or partner who is also multiracial, the survey finds.

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Mixed-race adults are more likely than the general public to have friends who are multiracial. Overall, the politics of multiracial Americans resemble the country as a whole. But just as the country is a mix of individuals and groups with different party preferences and ideological leanings, multiracial Americans are likewise politically diverse. Multiracial Americans with a black background favor the Democratic Party, similar to the party preferences of single-race blacks.

The sample of single-race Native Americans was too small to analyze. The remainder of this report examines in greater detail the attitudes, experiences and demographics of multiracial Americans.

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Chapter 1 traces the history of efforts by the U. Census Bureau to measure race and reports on the latest government estimates of the size of the multiracial population. Chapter 3 describes how multiracial adults see their own racial identity and how they believe others see their racial background.

Chapter 5 describes the social connections of multiracial Americans, including how much mixed-race adults say they have in common with other races and how accepted they feel by different racial groups. Chapter 6 examines the party preferences and political ideology of multiracial adults as well as their views on abortion, aid to the poor, marijuana legalization and other issues. Chapter 7 reports on the elements of Hispanic identity and the percentage of Hispanics who consider their Hispanic background to be, at least in part, their race.

It also explores an expanded definition of multiracial adults that includes Hispanics who are one race but say they consider their Hispanic background to be part of their racial background. Unless otherwise noted, survey based on all multiracial adults include Hispanics who are two or more races.

Single-race whites, blacks and Asians include only non-Hispanics. In the analysis of multiracial subgroups based on census data in Chapter 1Hispanics are included. Alaska Natives are included among those with some American Indian background in the survey analysis. Say "Alexa, enable White mixed women only Pew Research Center flash briefing".

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